Citizenship on leave: How the state still sees Copts

Christian holidays in Egypt have long been a routine occasion for public controversy. This year, the uproar wasn’t sparked by the usual killjoy decision to schedule exams on Christmas Eve or Day, nor by the annual online debates over whether congratulating Christians is religiously permissible in Islam. Instead, Labor Minister Mohamed Gobran thrust himself into the spotlight with Decree No. 346 of 2025, amending leave entitlements for “our Christian brothers” to include full-paid holidays in addition to official leave.

The decree specifies five holidays for Orthodox Christians. Christmas, Epiphany, Palm Sunday, Holy Thursday, and Easter. For Catholics and Protestants, it allows only three—New Year’s Day, Christmas, and Easter.

A hierarchy of believers

At first glance, the controversy might seem like a minor wording issue or an insignificant two-day discrepancy that could be corrected later. But the decision reflects a deeper and more troubling reality.

The decree exemplifies how many state institutions view citizens and define their rights. It doesn’t just discriminate on religious grounds, but on denominational ones—between churches. It implies a hierarchy. Muslims at the top, followed by Orthodox Christians, then Catholics and Protestants. Needless to say, Baha’is and non-believers are nowhere to be found.

Theoretically, the decree is a positive step. It defines Christian holidays as paid leave, particularly for private-sector workers under the new Labor Law No. 14 of 2025. This could help prevent disputes and curb employer abuse. But in practice, the decree is riddled with constitutional and legal violations, laying bare a mixture of ignorance, laziness, and sectarianism. It also carries a harmful symbolic message that defeats its stated purpose and complicates implementation.

As the popular saying goes, the writing was on the wall from the start. The Labor Ministry’s approach appears haphazard and the farthest thing from well-prepared. The decree is incomplete and fails to cover all those governed by the Labor Law.

Initially, the minister referenced leave for “non-Muslims,” echoing the language of the labor law itself. But in practice, he referred only to Christian holidays, ignoring Egyptians who adhere to other faiths. Egyptian Jews—even if their numbers are small or nil today—deserve legal recognition of their holidays. Foreigners are also covered by the Labor Law, many of whom follow other religions. How will their holidays be recognized?

Citizens or subjects?

Facing harsh criticism from Christian activists—particularly over the indirect labeling of Christians as “non-Muslims”—the minister walked it back. A revised decree followed, this time titled “regulating the religious holidays of our Christian brothers.”

Yet the content applied only to Coptic Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant denominations, excluding others with recognized churches, whether Egyptian or foreign: Greek Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox, Syriac Orthodox, Greek Catholics, Syriac Catholics, Armenian Catholics, Maronites, Chaldeans, and Latins.

The phrase “Christian brothers”—or “Coptic brothers”—may sound warm in casual conversation or political speeches, regardless of the linguistic distinction between a religious designation (Christians) and an ethnic one (Copts). But it has no place in legislation or official decrees. If Christians are “brothers,” then who are the “non-brothers”? This language reinforces a culture of guardianship and religious exceptionalism. We have never seen an official statement—or even informal correspondence—refer to Muslims as “our brothers.” Even when officials use the term, it is typically followed by “citizens.”

The term “sect,” too, carries political and social implications that stand in direct contradiction to constitutional principles of equal citizenship.

So is this just an unintentional slip, or does it reflect a deeper worldview—one that still sees the modern Egyptian state as an extension of the Ottoman empire, with Copts treated as subjects under protection?

What’s certain is that such language, divorced from the values and principles of citizenship, is not an isolated occurrence.

Two recent incidents illustrate the point. The first came during a 2016 parliamentary debate over the government-proposed church construction law. Lawmakers repeatedly used the phrase “the Christian sect” when referring to Egyptian Christians—a designation with deeply sectarian and anti-citizenship connotations. Such language reflects the state’s ongoing preference to treat Copts as a religious minority under guardianship, rather than as full citizens.

The second incident took place last year, when Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly issued a decision moving the Labor Day holiday to Sunday, which happened to coincide with Easter. This decision, commendable in substance, nonetheless conspicuously avoided any mention of Easter. It was as if simply acknowledging the occasion might provoke those who oppose recognizing or even congratulating others on the holiday.

Resurrecting a colonial decree

The problems with the 2025 decree go far beyond tone. Instead of engaging with churches today or following current practice, the Cabinet recycled a July 1953 decree listing the days off for Christian and Jewish employees. This was a colonial-era policy unfit for a modern nation.

The new decision divides “Copts” by sect. Five days for Orthodox, three for Catholics and Protestants. The Catholic Church issued a statement expressing disappointment over the unequal treatment, calling it inconsistent with citizenship and fairness. They said they had reached out to both the prime minister and the labor minister to clarify their holiday calendar. Egypt’s Protestant Church also sent a similar letter urging unified leave policies.

Strangely, the decree grants New Year’s Day off to Catholics and Protestants but not Orthodox Christians, even though New Year’s is not a religious holiday per se and is widely observed across faiths. Many churches in Egypt hold late-night services on New Year’s Eve.

Moreover, since 2002, Orthodox Christmas, on January 7, has been an official national holiday for all Egyptians—a fact the decree seems to ignore.

Administrative dilemmas of sectarianism 

How exactly will authorities determine a worker’s denomination? Egyptian IDs list religion, but not sect. Any attempt to classify people by church would be unconstitutional, invasive, and harmful. Will churches be expected to issue affiliation certificates for their members to present at work? Will employers conduct religious interrogations? Can workers change their sect without repercussions? What happens if someone lies?

Segmenting Christian leave entitlements by sect creates administrative chaos and labor disputes. Employers have incentives to reduce holidays; workers, to expand them. Without official documentation of sect, the system becomes unworkable.

A better approach would be to standardize religious leave across all recognized Christian holidays, in line with actual practice. The state must update its language and mindset to reflect citizenship, not guardianship. We are no longer Ottoman subjects grateful for scraps of tolerance. Religious holidays are not gifts from the government—they are part of the fundamental right to religious freedom.